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D.C. Circuit’s Decision in Net Neutrality Case Likely to Open New Fronts of Attack Against FCC

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Photo-collage of Judges Robert Wilkins, Stephen Williams and Patricia Millett (left to right)

In-Depth Analysis of the D.C. Circuit Court’s Decision in Mozilla v. FCC Demonstrates It is Just the Beginning of a New Chapter

Debate Shifts to Congress and the States

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, in Tuesday’s decision of Mozilla Corporation v. Federal Communications Corporation, handed the FCC a victory on the technically complicated and politically divisive issue of network neutrality.

Under Chairman Ajit Pai, in December 2017 the agency repealed regulations that had classified broadband internet access service as a form of “telecommunications” and hence subject to certain common carrier obligations. Instead, the Republican-led FCC changed broadband into an “information service,” with much less onerous regulations. This re-classification was largely upheld by the court.

However, that victory was tempered by the court’s requirement that the FCC make three specific changes to decision they took in 2017. The changes are on public safety, pole attachments and the Lifeline program. Moreover, by a two-to-one margin, the court decided to vacate FCC’s having purported to preempt “any state or local requirements that are inconsistent with [the FCC’s] de-regulatory approach.”

The decision by Judges Patricia Millett and Robert Wilkins and Senior Judge Stephen Williams (the dissenter on the preemption issue) will not put to rest the controversy associated with net neutrality.

Now, the matter is a four-ring circus:

  1. Future revisions to be made by the FCC;
  2. the appeals court’s implied invitation for Congress to clarify what the Telecommunications Act of 1996 had left ambiguous;
  3. states passing their own versions of net neutrality; and
  4. the possibility of an en banc rehearing by the whole circuit, or an appeal to the Supreme Court.

Basis for the Decision

The bulk of the court’s decision is per curiam, meaning that it is unsigned, and reflects the will of the court rather than that of any particular judge. Of the 186-page decision, 146 pages are in the “per curiam” portion, followed by a significant concurring opinion by Judge Millett, a nominal concurring opinion by Judge Wilkins, and a substantive dissent – from the portion of the decision dealing with preemption – by Judge Williams.

The voice in which the per curiam decision was written was one of duty: We as a court may not like what the FCC did in repealing net neutrality rules, but as an inferior court we are bound by the principles of Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. National Resources Defense Council, 467 U.S. 837 (1984) (“Chevron”) – which governs federal agency interpretation of ambiguous statutes – as well as National Cable & Telecommunications Association v. Brand X Internet Services, 545 U.S. 967 (2005) (“Brand X”) – the last substantive decision by the U.S. Supreme Court on the regulatory classification of “information services.”

In Brand X, the Supreme Court majority upheld the decision of a Republican-controlled FCC to re-classify cable broadband service as an “information service.” After that 2005 victory, the agency also reclassified wireline and wireless broadband in the same manner.

Ping-pong continued as a subsequent Democratic-controlled FCC attempted to implement net neutrality rules several times. The first attempt kept broadband internet access as a form of “information service,” but regulated blocking and throttling of internet traffic. It was rebuffed by the D.C. Circuit. A second attempt came in 2014 to fundamentally re-classify broadband as a “telecommunications service” with some attendant common carrier obligations under Title II of the Communications Act. However, the FCC did forbear at that time from applying many of those regulations.

The rules decided in 2014 were repealed by the Pai FCC in 2017, effectively returning the classification of broadband to “no regulation.” That “no regulation” status quo was the state of play when the net neutrality legal and political fight began in earnest more than a decade ago. The Pai FCC has settled upon including a small additional requirement that broadband providers disclose terms and conditions of service.

In 2016, both a three-judge panel and, later, the majority of the entire D.C. Circuit Court upheld the Democratic FCC’s classification of broadband as a Title II “telecommunication service.” Now, this new three-judge panel unanimously agreed that it was perfectly appropriate for the FCC to change its mind and reclassify broadband as an “information service” under the less-regulatory Title I.

This was so, the per curiam decision reasoned, because Chevron required judges to defer to an agency’s construction of an ambiguous provision in a statute that it administers, if that construction is reasonable.

In the concurring opinion authored by Judge Millett, she said she “join[s] the Court’s opinion in full, but not without substantial reservation.” The result was “compel[led]” by Brand X, but she pointedly added that “I am deeply concerned that the result is unhinged from the realities of modern broadband service.” Her concurring opinion emphasizes that – given the underlying ambiguity of the Telecom Act – it was equally permissible for the FCC to “regulate” broadband as an “information service” or as a “telecommunications service.”

Important Regulatory Issues Raised About Pole Attachment and Lifeline

Classification decisions have an enormous impact upon providers of communications services, so Tuesday’s decision represented a victory for internet service providers and their allies at the FCC.

But while the court accepted the FCC’s reclassification as reasonable on most counts, there were three specific instances where the court ruled that the agency had not complied with the Administrative Procedure Act. Specially, the APA requires that agency regulations not be “arbitrary and capricious.”

The first of these rebuffs came on the issue of public safety. Most of the court’s discussion on this centered on the widely-covered controversy over Verizon capping the data limits of Santa Clara County firefighters’ broadband plan when they were battling wildfires in the summer of 2018.

Although not vacating the order on these grounds, the court said that the FCC’s “disregard of its duty to analyze the impact of the Order on public safety renders its decision arbitrary and capricious in that part and warrants a remand with direction to address the issues raised.”

Although that strong language will require the FCC to go back and bolster its rationale for the rule-change vis-à-vis public safety, it doesn’t quite cut to the heart of the regulatory conflict in the same way as did the court’s objections over pole attachments and the Lifeline program.

Specifically, revising pole attachments rules will likely pose a challenge to the FCC’s re-classification because the federal regime, mirrored by the states, requires access “to a pole, duct, conduit, or right-of-way owned or controlled by a utility.” Federal law governs this area of law under Title II, unless states “reverse-preempt” the statute, as permitted by the Communications Act, and establish their own pole-attachment regime. As the court noted:

  • But this whole regulatory scheme applies only to cable television systems and “telecommunications service[s]”— categories to which, under the 2018 Order, broadband no longer belongs. See 47 U.S.C. § 224(a)(4) (defining “pole attachment” as “any attachment by a cable television system or provider of telecommunications service to a pole, duct, conduit, or right-of-way owned or controlled by a utility”) (emphasis added); id. § 224(f)(1) (“A utility shall provide a cable television system or any telecommunications carrier with nondiscriminatory access to any pole, duct, conduit, or right-of- way owned or controlled by it.”) (emphasis added). Section 224’s regulation of pole attachments simply does not speak to information services. Which means that Section 224 no longer speaks to broadband. Per curiam, at 106.

Similarly, with regard to Lifeline, the federal system of subsidizing low-income consumers’ access to broadband is governed by provisions in Title II. Lifeline originally only subsidized telephone service. This was changed in 2016, when the FCC extended the program to cover broadband internet access. The court noted:

  • In the [2016] Lifeline Order, the Commission repeatedly referenced Congress’s overriding command to provide “telecommunication services to consumers.” (emphasis added to Lifeline Order). That made sense, given that Congress had tethered Lifeline eligibility to common-carrier status. To receive Lifeline support under the Act, an entity must be designated as an eligible telecommunications carrier—a category that extends to common carriers regulated under Title II. See 47 U.S.C. §§ 254(e), 214(e). This congressional understanding pervades the statute…. As a result, broadband’s eligibility for Lifeline subsidies turns on its common-carrier status…. As a matter of plain statutory text, the Order’s reclassification of broadband—the decision to strip it of Title II common-carrier status—facially disqualifies broadband from inclusion in the Lifeline Program. Per curiam, at 111.

In other words, the FCC will need to fundamentally reconfigure its rules governing pole attachments and Lifeline. The benefits associated with these rights – access to others’ poles and conducts, or subsidies pursuant to eligible telecommunications carrier status – are deeply enmeshed with the provisions that govern “telecommunications” either under federal law or under a state’s telecommunications regulations. Now, the FCC would need much more creative thinking in order to retrofit these benefits to broadband providers who are now no longer bound by the burdens of offering “telecommunications services.”

The Uncertain Status of State Net Neutrality Laws under Mozilla v. FCC

This final issue – the subject of Judge Williams’ dissent – has captured the most reporting and disputes about the court’s Mozilla v. FCC decision since it was issued earlier this week. Are states forbidden, or will states be forbidden, from enacting their own variations of net neutrality?

The simplest answer is that the FCC’s attempt to flex its muscles and assert its preemptive predominance over “any state or local requirements that are inconsistent” with its order has now been officially struck down. Therefore, any state requirement that imposes net neutrality regulations is presumptively valid. But when further litigation undoubtedly arises, the issue of so-called “conflict preemption” will be foursquare in the analysis. The reviewing court would have to consider whether that state’s law “stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the [federal law’s] full purpose and objectives.” Per curiam, at 143, note 4.

Under the U.S. Constitution’s supremacy clause in Article VI, “the laws of the United States… shall be the supreme law of the land” to which state judges are bound. The heart of the controversy between the majority and the dissent is whether this preemptive supremacy extends to the actions of an agency that are not explicitly authorized by Congress.

“It is Congress to which the Constitution assigns the power to set the metes and bounds of agency authority, especially when agency authority would otherwise tramp on the power of States to act within their own borders,” according to the per curiam opinion, at 139. Rebuts Judge Williams: “Supreme Court decisions make clear that a federal agency’s authority to preempt state law need not be expressly granted.” Williams, at 3-4 (emphasis in original).

The majority considers and rejects the two arguments that the FCC made in justifying preemption. First is the “impossibility exception,” which deals with the impossibility of determining whether particular broadband traffic was interstate or intrastate. Second is what the FCC characterized as the federal policy of non-regulation for information services.

Judge Williams calls this “impossibility exception” a “a well-established ground of FCC preemption,” and that it plainly applies

  • [W]hen (1) the matter to be regulated has both interstate and intrastate aspects . . . ; (2) FCC preemption is necessary to protect a valid federal regulatory objective . . . ; and (3) state regulation would ‘negate the exercise by the FCC of its own lawful authority’ because regulation of the interstate aspects of the matter cannot be ‘unbundled’ from regulation of the intrastate aspects.” Williams, at 1-2, citing Public Service Comm’n of Maryland v. FCC, 909 F.2d 1510 (D.C. Cir. 1990).

The majority diminishes the importance of this impossibility exception, saying that it was born out of a footnote in an earlier Supreme Court case, Louisiana Pub. Serv. Comm’n v. FCC, 476 U.S. 355 (1986), that denied the FCC the authority to preempt a state law without specific congressionally delegated authority. “The ‘impossibility exception’ does not create preemption authority out of thin air.” Per curiam, at 129.

The majority’s second concern, over the FCC’s policy of non-regulation, gets at the logical conundrum between the two sides. Because the FCC has decided to limit its regulatory authority over broadband by making it an “information service,” the majority says it cannot bootstrap “ancillary authority” on the back of a de-regulatory policy that it – rather than Congress – is promulgating. In addition to Louisiana PSC, the majority repeatedly cites American Library Association for the proposition that the agency “literally has no power to act unless and until Congress confers power upon it.” ALA v. FCC, 406 F.3d 689, 998 (D.C. Cir. 2005).

Thus the majority takes the view that unless and until the FCC can make a successful “conflict preemption” challenge that a state law is in fact an “obstacle” to the full purpose and objective of a federal law, “then presumably the two regulations can co-exist as the Federal Communications Act envisions.” Per curiam, at 143. That system is one of co-existing and dual state and federal responsibilities: Federal regulation being responsible for interstate communication, and state regulation being responsible for intrastate communication.

But, says Judge Williams, this simply means that the federal rules will inevitably subject interstate commerce to the will of the state with the most regulatory rules, at least in the short term:

  • Just as an ISP cannot “comply with state or local rules for intrastate communications without applying the same rules to interstate communications,” it seems safe to say that an ISP bound to apply the rules of California to any of its service will also need—because of the impossibility of “distinguish[ing] between intrastate and interstate communications over the Internet,”—to apply those heavy-handed rules to all its service. Williams, at 4 (internal quotations from the FCC order).

Judge Williams later writes that this process is likely to take years: “The majority hints that through case-by-case litigation of conflict preemption, the Commission might be able over the years to obtain relief against some state impositions of regulation inconsistent with the Commission’s de-regulatory scheme.” Id., at 21.

Because state rules on net neutrality are not clearly and immediately preempted, it seems likely that the controversy of the FCC’s reclassification of broadband will now simultaneously play out in administrative, state-level, congressional and federal judicial forums.

About the author:

Drew Clark, the Editor and Publisher of BroadbandBreakfast.com, is a nationally-respected telecommunications attorney at The CommLaw Group. He has closely tracked the trends in and mechanics of digital infrastructure for 20 years, and has helped fiber-based and fixed wireless providers navigate coverage, identify markets, broker infrastructure, and operate in the public right of way. If you are interested in tracking legislative, judicial or regulatory developments impacting the regulation and regulatory status of broadband services in Congress and the states, contact Drew Clark at apc@commlawgroup.com.

Breakfast Media LLC CEO Drew Clark has led the Broadband Breakfast community since 2008. An early proponent of better broadband, better lives, he initially founded the Broadband Census crowdsourcing campaign for broadband data. As Editor and Publisher, Clark presides over the leading media company advocating for higher-capacity internet everywhere through topical, timely and intelligent coverage. Clark also served as head of the Partnership for a Connected Illinois, a state broadband initiative.

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Expert Opinion

Ted Hearn: A Supreme Court Case About Fish Could Harpoon The FCC

Opponents of the Chevron Doctrine aver that judicial deference has gone too far.

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The author of this Ted Hearn, Editor of Policyband

WASHINGTON, January 15, 2024 On Wednesday, the Supreme Court will hear a case about federal regulation of the fishing industry.

Anyone who thinks the case is about fish is going to need a bigger boat.

In reality, this whale of a case could harpoon the Federal Communications Commission, which is clearly at risk of seeing its newly approved, highly controversial digital discrimination rules aimed at broadband Internet Service Providers get fed to the sharks.

Since 1984, the Supreme Court’s Chevron Doctrine has required lower courts to defer to an agency like the FCC when reasonably interpreting vague legislative language passed by Congress. The doctrine was established in Chevron U.S.A. v. Natural Resources Defense Council.

Opponents of the Chevron Doctrine aver that judicial deference has gone too far, leading to outsized accretions of bureaucratic power that threaten the nation’s constitutional order sustained by the separation of powers.

“Chevron deference has become a central pillar of the modern administrative state,” said Stanford Law School Professor Michael W. McConnell. “Although Chevron appeared routine when it came out, it has become the most important doctrine in administrative law.”

The FCC under Democratic Chair Jessica Rosenworcel has a lot riding on the high court’s ruling in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which is ostensibly about the regulation of fisheries under the Magnuson-Stevens Act of 1976. A decision is not expected for several months after Wednesday’s oral arguments.

In November, the FCC adopted Internet digital discrimination rules as required by Congress in section 60506 of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2021.

The FCC rules included a “disparate impact” standard imported from civil rights law that can hold ISPs liable for unintentional acts of discrimination across a broad range of activities – from the price and quality of Internet service to late fees, equipment rentals, and the use of customer credit and account history.

Litigation on the basis that the FCC developed rules far broader than Congress intended is inevitable.

“The FCC’s regulatory overreach will prove impossible to administer and impossible to comply with,” said Michael Powell, President & CEO of the NCTA – The Internet & Television Association, in a Nov. 15, 2023 statement.

The Supreme Court likely has at least five justices who want to dismantle the Chevron Doctrine entirely. The Court majority that would do so is likely the same one that in 2022 barred an agency like the FCC from adopting rules of vast economic and political significance without explicit authority from Congress.

The Chevron Doctrine has its defenders, including the Environmental Defense Fund and other green groups that say opponents of judicial deference have been exaggerating the harms.

“This campaign is marked by the kind of sloganeering, argument by anecdote, and sacrifice of empirical rigor that are all too familiar in hardball politics but out of place in legal argumentation,” the EDF said in its amicus brief filed with the Supreme Court last September. “Like any shrewd campaigners, petitioners and their supporters seek to ‘drive up the negatives’ by misstating what Chevron instructs.”

Last June, an article on the Natural Resources Defense Council’s website disputed ideas that the Chevron Doctrine gave an agency like the FCC “a rubber stamp” to adopt onerous rule and regulations. Ironically, the NRDC supports the maintenance of the Chevron Doctrine, even though it was the losing party in the 1984 case.

“…As noted by the Brennan Center for Justice, a nonpartisan law and policy institute, federal agencies face legal challenges to their rules all the time – and only prevail in about 70% these challenges, even with the Chevron Doctrine on their side. In other words, their powers are far from unchecked,” the article said.

A problem with the NRDC article’s analysis is that it gave equal weight to each case in the sample. Broadband ISPs have much more at stake in their likely legal challenge to the FCC’s digital discrimination rules than in their potential case taking on new FCC rules requiring Internet providers to display ‘Broadband Nutrition Labels’ at the point of sale.

In the end, by scuttling the Chevron Doctrine, the Supreme Court will not only reel in a big fish like the administrative state, it will also send Congress a message about the need to craft clear laws.

“Congress will face more pressure to clearly articulate agency authority and delegate fewer details to administrative agencies,” the Brownstein Hyatt law firm said in a client alert last May.

Ted Hearn is the Editor of Policyband, a new website dedicated to comprehensive coverage of the broadband communications market. This piece is was published on Policyband on January 15, 2024, and is reprinted with permission.

Broadband Breakfast accepts commentary from informed observers of the broadband scene. Please send pieces to commentary@breakfast.media. The views expressed in Expert Opinion pieces do not necessarily reflect the views of Broadband Breakfast and Breakfast Media LLC.

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FCC

FCC Rules Face Litigation Risk in 2024, Note Journalists

A potentially active Supreme Court and its ‘major questions’ doctrine could pose challenges for the FCC.

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WASHINGTON, January 4, 2024 — A panel of top telecom journalists on Wednesday warned that major FCC policy moves in 2023 face significant litigation threats in the year ahead.

The year “2024 is going to include a lot of litigation and a lot of it generated by the cable TV industry,” said Ted Hearn, editor of Policyband.

Ted Hearn of Policyband

Speaking on Broadband Breakfast Live Online Wednesday, Hearn said that industry would likely be challenge the agency’s rules on net neutrality, digital discrimination, early termination fees, and “all-in” pricing.

Others of the journalists agreed that the FCC’s net neutrality order is unlikely to survive court scrutiny. Howard Buskirk, executive senior editor of Communications Daily, pointed out that  the Supreme Court’s “major questions doctrine” as a barrier for the FCC to overcome.

In 2022, the Supreme Court held in West Virginia v. EPA that Congress alone has the power to decide on “major questions” of “vast economic or political significance.” Hearn and Buskirk said that it was almost certain that net neutrality would fit into that category, and that as such a “major question,” its resolution was the responsibility of Congress alone.

Noting the lack of radio frequency spectrum availability in 2023, Buskirk also highlighted the role of spectrum sharing over the past year. This included the FCC’s focus on finalizing rules for specific spectrum bands, such as the 4.9 GigaHertz, as well as the broader implications for 5G and 6G wireless technology development.

BEAD Implementation

Other topics covered included details in the implementation of the $42 billion Broadband Equity, Access and Deployment program, and concern over the likely depletion of the Affordable Connectivity Program fund.

While BEAD is likely to help advance rural connectivity, its focus on rural areas leaves major urban connectivity gaps unaddressed, noted Sean Gonsalves, senior reporter and editor at the Institute for Local Self-Reliance’s Community Broadband Networks Initiative. He predicted the lion’s share of BEAD funds will be awarded to incumbent internet service providers.

Gonsalves also highlighted that the FCC’s new rules around digital discrimination may amount to little given that the agency allows for discrepancies as “justified by genuine issues of technical or economic feasibility.”

As the event wound down, Broadband Breakfast Editor and Publisher Drew Clark, the session moderator, asked each panelist to name one surprise issue to watch for in 2024.

Hearn highlighted marketplace challenges for the cable industry, including from fixed wireless access.

Buskirk said the year will be dominated by actions at the FCC, including those by recently-confirmed agency Commissioner Anna Gomez.

Gonsalves warned of increasingly aggressive anti-community broadband campaigns by cable lobbyists.

Telecommunications Reports Senior FCC Reporter Lynn Stanton closed the session by predicting “some big sleeper issue we’ve all completely forgotten about that will somehow rise from the dead now that the FCC has this 3 to 2 majority.”

Our Broadband Breakfast Live Online events take place on Wednesday at 12 Noon ET. Watch the event on Broadband Breakfast, or REGISTER HERE to join the conversation.

Wednesday, January 3, 2024 – The Broadband Forecast for 2024 with Tech Journalists

Kick off 2024 with us at our first livestream event of the year with broadband journalists predicting the biggest shifts in infrastructure and connectivity in 2024 as we consider The Twelve Days of Broadband! Tune in to get a glimpse into the future of connectivity and where the year might take us!

Panelists

  • Howard Buskirk, Executive Senior Editor, Communications Daily
  • Sean Gonsalves, Senior Reporter, Editor and Communications Team Lead, Institute for Local Self Reliance’s Community Broadband Networks Initiative
  • Ted Hearn, Publisher, Policyband
  • Lynn Stanton,  Senior Editor, Wolters Kluwer’s TR Daily.
  • Drew Clark (moderator), Editor and Publisher, Broadband Breakfast

Ted Hearn is the Editor and Publisher of Policyband, a new website dedicated to comprehensive coverage of the broadband communications market. A former communications executive and reporter for newsletters and trade journals, Hearn has decades of experience with traditional video and broadband industry trends, regulatory developments, technology advancements, and market dynamics.

Howard Buskirk is Executive Senior Editor and joined Warren Communications News in 2004, after covering Capitol Hill for Telecommunications Reports. He has covered Washington since 1993 and was formerly executive editor at Energy Business Watch, editor at Gas Daily and managing editor at Natural Gas Week. Previous to that, he was a staff reporter for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution and the Greenville News.

Sean Gonsalves is Senior Reporter, Editor and Communications Team Lead, Institute for Local Self Reliance’s Community Broadband Networks Initiative. He is a longtime former reporter, columnist, and news editor with the Cape Cod Times. He is also a former nationally syndicated columnist in 22 newspapers, including the Oakland Tribune, Kansas City Star and Seattle Post-Intelligencer. His work has also appeared in the Boston Globe, USA Today, the Washington Post and the International Herald-Tribune. An award-winning newspaper reporter and columnist, Sean also has extensive experience in both television and radio.

Lynn Stanton is Senior Editor for Wolters Kluwer’s TR Daily, has been covering telecommunications, broadband, and Internet policy for nearly three decades. She has also reported on pharmaceutical marketing compliance and has worked as a copyeditor for a wide range of publications. She holds a bachelor’s degree in government and politics from the University of Maryland and a master’s degree in political theory from the University of Virginia.

Breakfast Media LLC CEO Drew Clark has led the Broadband Breakfast community since 2008. An early proponent of better broadband, better lives, he initially founded the Broadband Census crowdsourcing campaign for broadband data. As Editor and Publisher, Clark presides over the leading media company advocating for higher-capacity internet everywhere through topical, timely and intelligent coverage. Clark also served as head of the Partnership for a Connected Illinois, a state broadband initiative.

WATCH HERE, or on YouTubeTwitter and Facebook.

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12 Days of Broadband

12 Days of Broadband: Net Neutrality Is the Issue That Never Dies

It’s been 11 years since Verizon filed arguments against the FCC in the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals.

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Illustration by DALL-E

January 2, 2024 – The net neutrality debate was alive and well in 2023, more than 11 years since Verizon filed arguments against the Federal Communications Commission before the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals in July 2012 in a partisan issue that has dominated telecom politics for more than a decade.

In the latest twist in the saga, the FCC proposed in October 2023 to reclassify broadband internet as a telecommunications service under Title II of the Communications Act.

If ultimately approved, the move would give the FCC broader authority over broadband providers. Crucially, the commission would be able to require that internet traffic is not sped up or slowed down artificially, meaning businesses could not pay providers for preferential treatment.

The issue is a contentious one at the FCC, and the commission can only take it up now that Democrats have a 3-2 majority, after several years of a 2-2 agency. Along with the strong digital discrimination rules adopted in November, it’s part of a Democratic effort to expand regulatory oversight of broadband as it becomes more essential for daily life.

Republicans in Congress and at the FCC oppose this, arguing it makes providers less likely to invest in new infrastructure. 

Controversy over Title II Reclassification

Title II brings a host of other regulatory powers, but the commission is proposing to abstain from wielding more than two dozen of the most onerous provisions on broadband providers if the service is recategorized. Those include explicit rate regulation and immediate Universal Service Fund contribution.

Net neutrality has been a longstanding goal of the Biden administration and Democratic FCC Chairwoman Jessica Rosenworcel, who referenced it in a letter to lawmakers after being confirmed as chairwoman in December 2021. 

“You’re dealing with the most central infrastructure in the digital age. Come on, it’s time for a national policy,” Rosenworcel said before voting in favor of the proposal at the commission’s October open meeting. It would pass 3-2 along party lines, putting the rules up for public comment.

That set the commission up for an earful: more than 40,000 comments on the proposed net neutrality rules have since been filed with the agency. Reply comments on the proposal are due January 17, 2024.

The broadband industry is largely opposed to the move. AT&T and T-Mobile, in addition to trade groups and conservative think tanks, filed comments arguing that the practices net neutrality rules are designed to combat are not widespread. They say using Title II authority to enforce net neutrality principles would stifle investment in broadband, both by opening providers up to sanctions for previously legal conduct and by introducing the potential for future commissions to pick up the 27 Title II provisions the FCC is choosing to forego.

“No ISP takes that assurance seriously,” AT&T said of the commission’s proposal not to regulate broadband prices as part of the rulemaking.

Advocacy groups like Public Knowledge argued the anticompetitive practices net neutrality rules aim to prevent are only uncommon because states like California enacted their own net neutrality laws.They said the move would protect consumers who depend on reliable and consistent internet access.

Broadband “is not a luxury but a necessity for education, communication, and participation in the economy,” the group said. “The FCC’s proposed action will restore its ability to oversee this essential service.”

This was expected to some degree. The Trump-era FCC received comments from many of the same players in 2017 when it repealed net neutrality rules – substantially similar to the 2023 proposal – set up by the 2015 commission under Obama. 

A prolonged nomination to break a deadlock

The commission was unable to move on the issue until this year because Democrats lacked a majority. President Joe Biden first nominated net neutrality advocate Gigi Sohn, a former FCC staffer and co-founder of Public Knowledge, to the FCC’s vacant fifth seat in 2021, but her nomination turned into a prolonged political fight

Republican senators hung on her position on the board of a nonprofit streaming service that was shut down after large telecoms sued for copyright infringement. They alleged Sohn would be unable to remain impartial on matters related to broadcasting and copyright – even after she moved to recuse herself from related issues.

Votes repeatedly stalled along party lines before Sohn withdrew her name from consideration in March of this year, citing campaigns against her nomination by telecom lobbyists.

“The unrelenting, dishonest and cruel attacks on my character and my career as an advocate for the public interest have taken an enormous toll on me and my family,” she said in a statement announcing her withdrawal.

Commissioner Anna Gomez had a comparably smooth nomination process. Biden announced her nomination in May after Sohn stepped back and the Senate voted to approve her four months later, finally giving Democrats a 3-2 majority on the FCC. Rosenworcel wasted no time taking advantage of the new math, announcing her intention to reinstate net neutrality rules one day after Gomez was sworn in as a commissioner in September.

Potential legal roadblocks

Following the October vote to move forward with the proposal, Republican Commissioner Brendan Carr pointed out a potential legal hurdle to reclassifying broadband as a Title II service this time around. The Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority has been less deferential to agencies’ interpretation of the law, and might consider the reclassification too significant a move for an agency to make without explicit approval from Congress.

Experts disagree on how likely a Supreme Court intervention is, as the FCC’s previous reclassifications of services under the Communications Act – both the 2015 net neutrality rules and a classification of DSL under Title II in 1998 – have passed legal muster.

At a House oversight hearing in November, Republican Commissioner Nathan Simington asked Congress to “put an end to the continued whipsawing of industry over the Title II fight” by passing new legislation governing the internet ecosystem. A Democratic bill that would codify broadband as a Title II service stalled after being introduced in both the House and Senate last summer.

See “The Twelve Days of Broadband” on Broadband Breakfast

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